Journal of Islamic Awakening Studies

Abstract Toofan Al-Aqsa Operation " al - aqsa storm " as one of the prominent examples of contemporary asymmetric conflicts, presents new dimensions regarding the legitimacy of the use of force in international law and Islamic jurisprudence. This article, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and a comparative method, examines the legitimacy of this operation within the framework of "self-defense" in public international law and "defensive jihad" in Islamic political jurisprudence. The central research question is whether Toofan Al-Aqsa Operation, considering the ongoing occupation and aggression, meets the criteria for self-defense stipulated in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. The research findings indicate that, given the continuation of armed attack, the violation of the right to self-determination, and the absence of effective non-violent solutions, invoking self-defense in this case is arguable in terms of the criteria of necessity and proportionality. Additionally, an examination of the jurisprudential foundations governing defensive jihad—such as the prohibition of oppression, the defense of Islamic territory, and the protection of the oppressed—demonstrates that armed resistance against sustained occupation is considered legitimate within the framework of Islamic jurisprudence. So Toofan Al-Aqsa Operation can be analyzed as a case of interaction and overlap between the rules of international law and the jurisprudence of defensive jihad in the context of asymmetric warfare.

Abstract This study seeks to re-examine the trajectory of Islamic radicalism in Afghanistan through an analytical exploration of the ideological and political confrontation between two dominant currents: the traditionalist right-wing radicalism embodied by the Taliban and the left-leaning Islamist revolutionary movements commonly identified as the Mujahideen. While both currents emerged within the broader socio-political upheavals intensified during the Cold War, they represented divergent interpretations of political Islam, state formation, and the relationship between religion and modern governance. The Mujahideen initially mobilized in resistance to the Soviet-backed regime of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, combined Islamist discourse with revolutionary and, in some factions, quasi-leftist organizational structures, reflecting both indigenous reformist impulses and the strategic patronage of external actors such as the United States and Pakistan. In contrast, the Taliban articulated a more rigid, traditionalist, and jurisprudentially conservative project that prioritized the imposition of a centralized Islamic order grounded in a strict interpretation of Sharia. The confrontation between these two radical paradigms was not merely military but epistemological and structural, encompassing competing visions of legitimacy, authority, and social order. By situating this conflict within the interplay of domestic fragmentation and international geopolitical competition, the present study argues that the Afghan experience of Islamic radicalism must be understood as a dynamic and internally contested phenomenon rather than a monolithic ideological project.

Abstract This article provides a comparative analysis of the role and effectiveness of economic resistance in two significant contemporary movements: the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement in Palestine against Israel in the Context of Islamic Awakening. The research aims to examine the extent to which the successful experience of sanctions against the apartheid regime can be utilized to design effective strategies in the struggle against occupation and discrimination in Palestine. Using the theoretical framework of critical political economy and a comparative case study method, the article critiques the common analogical approach and analyzes the structural, political, and social similarities and differences between the two. The findings indicate that the success of sanctions in South Africa depended on an organic connection with a broad popular movement and a strategy to change the internal power structure, whereas in Palestine, despite mobilizing capacities of Islamic Awakening to strengthen transnational solidarity, geographic dispersion, lack of unified leadership, and Israel’s strong dependence on Western support have posed serious challenges to the effectiveness of sanctions. The article also emphasizes that using historical experiences must be done with caution and awareness of the specific conditions of each case, and designing effective strategies for BDS requires critical revision and adaptation to the realities of Palestine and Israel. This approach can enhance the effectiveness of sanctions and help achieve the movement’s goals.

Abstract The rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia started from the Pahlavi era and they have followed different strategies depending on the domestic and international requirements. After the Houthis came to power in Yemen, Iran and Saudi Arabia entered a new phase of relations, and gradually the effort to influence and control the other increased. With Saudi Arabia's military invasion of Yemen, Iran sided with the axis of resistance and increased its strategic depth. The current research seeks to answer the question that what effect did the internal developments in Yemen have on the Iran-Saudi rivalry on Iran's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia? (Issue) In response to this question, it should be said that the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia in Yemen has caused the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to become aggressive towards Saudi Arabia. The research method is descriptive and analytical and the data has been collected using reliable library sources, documents and reliable websites. The country's only increase in power has played a decisive role. (Findings) Iran and Saudi Arabia's cooperation in Yemen is analyzed using Barry Buzan's regional security theory.

Abstract The rule of negation of the mustache is one of the fundamental and strategic principles in Shiite political jurisprudence that explains the legitimacy and necessity of political resistance against various forms of domination. Political resistance in this framework is defined not only as a tactical response, but also as a religious and social obligation to preserve the dignity, independence, and national sovereignty of the Islamic society in the face of the influence and domination of foreigners (political, economic, military, and cultural). The rule of negation of the mustache, derived from verse 141 of Surah An-Nisa and substantiated by the threefold evidence of tradition, consensus, and reason, constitutes the main theoretical basis of this approach. This rule emphasizes the impermissibility of legislating and forging any ruling by the holy lawgiver that would lead to granting "mustache" to infidels over believers. The present article, after analyzing the evidence and provisions of the rule of negation of the mustache, explains its pivotal role in legitimizing and requiring political resistance. The findings of the research show that the rule of negating the mustache, while considering any foreign domination and influence illegitimate from a religious perspective, proves the necessity of active struggle and resistance to repel and eliminate this domination. This jurisprudential principle, in practice, plays a role as a strategic paradigm for formulating the macro policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Abstract The history of human civilization shows the fact that some people have caused a turning point in civilization by playing a special and historical role. In the meantime, Shahid Soleimani presented a new school in the international arena with her efficient and outstanding model in international institutional management as a genius strategist. . In this regard, compiling and examining the model of the martyr in order to realize the security and unity of the Islamic Ummah, which is also the goal of the present research, is essential. For this purpose, the qualitative method (foundation data) of grounded theory has been used to identify and extract pattern codes and finally infer groups (causal, central, contextual, intervening, strategic, consequence). And then in order to fit the model, structural equation modeling was used in the smart pls environment. The results of the research have shown that the fit of the developed model is determined by R2 (0.60), Q2 (0.70), GOF (0.68). And the graph of this issue has been that the strategies of Martyr Soleimani have had a strong impact on the security of the country and the unity of the Islamic Ummah